French Empire: But Napoleon IV

Chapter 90 The First Meeting of the Republic Government, Trosch Reaps the Rewards

At 12:10 a.m., the first meeting of the provisional government was held in this Prime Minister's Office.

In addition to senior Republican leaders, representatives from the Orleans faction and the Bourbon Orthodoxy also attended the meeting.

Although they disagreed with Republicans on political views, they shared the same goal, at least in overthrowing the Bonaparte family.

Even if there was suspicion of them taking credit for the projects, the two royalist parties were powerful enough that the newly formed republican government needed to rely on their strength.

Relying on the strength of two companies has its advantages, but having discussed those advantages, there are bound to be disadvantages. Compared to the benefits of cooperation among three companies, the disadvantages are the first to become apparent.

The three families had largely succeeded in overthrowing the Bonaparte family's rule. However, this overall success began to reveal the differences in their individual motivations.

The meeting descended into endless arguments from the very beginning.

Having gained considerable prestige through his uprising, Blanqui naturally advocated for the establishment of a purely republican government and seized the opportunity to directly eliminate the royalist forces.

Power is something that doesn't need to be shared with others.

Of course, Blanqui couldn't just say to the two royalists that he was going to settle scores with them.

Blanqui simply stated that the first government should be formed by Republicans like themselves, and the second government could include two royalists running together.

Paris is in utter chaos right now. Unlike those worthless Republicans, the two royal heirs who pride themselves on their centuries-old aristocratic lineage are certainly not going to be there to attend the meeting.

However, the representatives they sent to the meeting were not fools. Both royalists understood that Blanqui's act of excluding them and going it alone was very disadvantageous to the royalists.

One term of government, four years, is enough time for the Republican Party to do a lot.

Neither the Orleans faction nor the Bourbon faction would accept such a proposal. The proposal put forward by these two parties resulted in the very scenario Blanqui least wanted to see.

That is, these two royalist forces may have already reached an agreement on their way here, having secretly conspired beforehand. Representatives from both forces actually advocated for the establishment of a joint government, with a prestigious military officer in charge.

The scope of prestigious military personnel is quite small; among the mid- to high-ranking officers who defected to the Republican forces, there should only be Drema and Troche.

As Blanqui pondered which of the two men with thick eyebrows and large eyes had secretly switched sides to become royalists.

Trochet, the former Inspector General of the Imperial Army and now a Republican hero, walked in.

Troch was dressed in a crisp general's uniform, his chest adorned with medals. As soon as he entered the conference room, the previously noisy room fell silent.

Blanqui looked at Troch, who wasn't even glancing at him, his eyes wide. Well, Blanqui didn't need to guess anymore; he already knew which thick-browed, big-eyed guy had betrayed the revolution.

Trochet's resume was impressive; he was a true veteran of the French army. In 1855, during the Crimean War, he commanded an infantry regiment to capture Marakov Fortress, becoming a household name and a hero in France.

In 1859, Troch also served as a division commander in the Battle of Solferino during the Austro-Italian-French War, where he made significant contributions.

During the Second Reich, Troch earned considerable fame in two of the most illustrious wars.

Because these two battles were Nathaniel's most celebrated achievements, Trochet, who rose to prominence through these battles, was highly regarded by Nathaniel.

The French emperor probably never imagined that the Inspector General of the Army, whom he had worked so hard to promote, would turn out to be a spy and become one of the major straws that broke the empire's back.

Unlike in history, Troch had little real power. Troch could have taken advantage of the war to first become the commander of the important French military camp, the Châlons, and then the commander of the Paris Armed Forces, eventually becoming the governor of Paris.

However, now that Eugène has ousted the position of Governor of Paris, and the frontline war has been somewhat reorganized due to the dispute between the Crown Prince and the Prime Minister, the deployment of troops has been adjusted.

This meant that Trochet gained neither the position of commander of the Charon army nor the position of governor of Paris.

Without the transitional roles of these two powerful military leaders, Troch could not wield much real power as the Inspector General of the Army, a position that leans more towards civilian administration.

Troch's only assets were his considerable prestige in the military and the significant achievements he had made as a Republican 007.

Upon learning of Gambitta's escape to Paris and the changes within the Republican Party, Trochet realized that Blanqui and Gambitta were not the same.

This Blanqui lacks self-awareness. He betrayed the Empire and the Emperor, and what he wanted in return was not merely to be promoted from Inspector General of the Army to Minister of War.

Therefore, this Army Inspector General, relying on his prestige in the military and his merits in the Republican Party, made contact with two royalist forces.

This led to the scene that Blanqui was witnessing. Ignoring Blanqui's incredulous expression and his sense of human malice, Trosch looked at the crowd and, quite "righteously," took a stand on the side of justice.

"Gentlemen, now is not the time for us to argue. Hundreds of thousands of Prussian troops are advancing on Paris, and in less than ten days, they will be at the city gates."

If we cannot unite quickly and establish a strong government, then what awaits our nascent government is only the fate of national subjugation.

Eugène knew that Troche harbored phobias towards Prussia, but others were unaware that, in the eyes of others, Troche was still a rising star in the French military.

Even Troch's pre-war pessimistic remarks were brought up again, which, in light of the current dire situation, actually boosted his prestige.

None of those present knew much about military affairs, and Troch's authoritative words silenced everyone.

They are not qualified to refute Troch.

The Third Republic, while indeed exhibiting a high degree of compromise, was not so accustomed to signing massive reparations without firing a single shot. Since the reparations were paid out of the government's own money, they still hoped to try and fight back if possible.

At least for now, before the Reds erupted and when Bonaparte appeared to be in defeat, the Prussians who had helped them overthrow Bonaparte were seen by the Republicans as the biggest threat.

If they could not resist the Prussian invasion, neither the republic nor the monarchy would cease to exist. This was the prevailing thought at the time.